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Setya Novanto Meets with Mass Media Chief Editors

Setya Novanto Meets with Mass Media Chief Editors

Setya Novanto Meets with Mass Media Chief Editors

Setya Novanto, Speaker of the House of Representatives held a meeting and discussed with chief editors from several mass media in Jakarta. Setya said that, during the two-hours long meeting, he had revealed what had truly happened in the name profiteering case involving President Joko Widodo.
 
Several information revealed by Setya including the fact that he had held a meeting with Freeport CEO on April 27, May 13, and June 8, 2015. Setya said that the last meeting was the source of the recent reporting on the name profiteering case.

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Gaining Demand for Setya Novanto To Step Dow

Gaining Demand for Setya Novanto To Step Dow

 Gaining Demand for Setya Novanto To Step Down

A number of politicians from the government supporting Indonesia Great Coalition on Monday, November 23, will gain support for a vote of no confidence on the leadership of Setya Novanto.
"Vote of no confidence this as just the beginning of a moral movement. Our ultimate goal is to urge him to resign immediately," said Teuku Taufiqulhadi, a house member from the NasDem fraction on Sunday.

Taufiqulhadi claimed to have obtained the support of many of his colleagues in parliament. He said, Setya should step down because he had been involved in ethics violation cases a number of times.
He reminded that the Honorary Supreme Council (MKD) has imposed light warning sanctions on the case of the meeting with Donald Trump, Republican candidate for President of the United States. “Another one recently was the alleged intervention against Pertamina," said Taufiqulhadi.

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Leaders of the Red-and-White Coalition (KMP) met at the home of Gerindra Party patron Prabowo Subianto in Bogor, West Java, on Friday evening to discuss the opposition group’s stance on the dispute between Energy and Mining Resources Minister Sudirman Said and House of Representatives Speaker Setya Novanto on negotiations over the contract extension of Freeport Indonesia.
Sudirman reported Setya to the House ethics council last week for allegedly claiming to have won the approval of President Joko “Jokowi “ Widodo and Vice President Jusuf Kalla to secure shares and projects from Freeport in exchange for helping the company extend its contract and continue operating its gold mine, one the world’s largest, in Papua.
- See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/11/21/setya-novanto-s-alleged-misconduct-revives-political-split.html#sthash.jHV6rR8k.dpuf
Setya Novanto’s alleged
misconduct revives political
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Setya Novanto’s alleged
misconduct revives political
spli - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/11/21/setya-novanto-s-alleged-misconduct-revives-political-split.html#sthash.jHV6rR8k.dpuf

Indonesia becomes member of UNESCO World Heritage Committee

Indonesia becomes member of UNESCO World Heritage Committee


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Paris (ANTARA News) - Indonesia and 20 other countries have been appointed members of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (World Heritage) Committee of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) for the 2015-2019 period. 

The appointment was made during a meeting held at the UNESCO Headquarters, here on Nov. 18, Indonesian Ambassador/Permanent Representative to UNESCO Fauzi Soelaiman, told ANTARA on Wednesday.

Govt Offers Non-Court Solution for 1965 Victims  

Govt Offers Non-Court Solution for 1965 Victims  
Add caPeople attend the International People's Tribunal 1965 which opened hearings intended to publicize allegations of mass killings 50 years ago by Indonesian authorities of hundreds of thousands of suspected Communists, at the Nieuwe Kerk, or New Church, in The Hague, Netherlands, Nov. 10, 2015

The government will offer non-judicial solution for the settlement of human rights violation victims in 1965. Attorney General Prasetyo said the government will not be affected by the people’s court for 1965 case held in The Hague today, November 9.

“We have tried to solve this issue. We hope we can solve our problem without outside intervention,” said Prasetyo on Tuesday, November 9.

Prasetyo explained that it would be difficult to gather evidences and witnesses in court, so the non-court solution was chosen. “In order to bring a case to court, everything must be complete. The construction must be clear and perfect. If not, it’s impossible to be held,” he said.

State Secretary Minister Pratikno said in accordance with President Joko Widodo’s instruction, the government is preparing solutions to systematic human rights violations.

Pratikno added that Indonesia need no other international institutions to solve this case. “We have our own legal system. So, the government is working hard to prepare solutions for systematic human rights violations,” he said.

International People’s Tribunal (IPT) for victims of Indonesia’s 1965 massacre is held in The Hague on November 10-13. This court is specifically aimed at the Indonesian government, particularly under Soeharto.

TEMPO / ANANDA TERESIA

The killings of 1965-66

The killings of 1965-66

The killings of 1965-66
Prisoners captured during the Trisula Operation


In the course of little more than five months from late 1965 to early 1966, anti-communist Indonesians killed about half a million of their fellow citizens. Nearly all the victims were associated with Indonesia's Left, especially with the Communist Party (PKI) that had risen to unprecedented national prominence under President Sukarno's Guided Democracy. The massacres were presided over and often coordinated or carried out by anti-communist sections of the Indonesian army, but they also engaged wider elements of Indonesian society - both people who had reason to fear communist power and people who wanted to establish clear anti-communist credentials in troubled times.

The killings followed a coup which took place in Jakarta on the morning of 1 October 1965 in which six senior army generals were killed and a revolutionary council was formed, seizing power from Sukarno. For the whole of the New Order period, Indonesian authorities portrayed these events as a communist grab for power, which was to be followed by the wholesale slaughter of their opponents. Sceptics, by contrast, doubted the PKI's involvement and even wondered whether the coup might have been a 'black' operation by conservative forces, intended to compromise the Party. Recent research, especially by John Roosa, who writes for this issue, has shown that the PKI leadership was closely involved in the coup, but that the aims of the operation were far more limited than a seizure of power.
The destruction of the PKI was part of a process that brought Suharto's military-dominated New Order regime to power. The new regime abandoned Sukarno's leftist orientation in foreign and domestic politics and embarked on a program of western-style economic development. The New Order never concealed the fact of the killings. Rather, it portrayed them as both a justifiable response to the alleged threat presented by the PKI and as an outcome of unrestrained populist politics in the 'Old Order'. The undefined memory of massacre was thus recruited to justify the New Order's elaborate structure of political and cultural control and restriction. The alleged evil intentions of the PKI were also used to justify an enduring and vindictive persecution of Indonesians who had been associated with the Left and who survived the massacres. More than a million passed through detention camps, and some were held for ten years or more. After their release, they faced continuing restrictions on their civil rights within Indonesia and their family members - including children not even born in 1965 - faced harassment and restriction.
One of the great achievements of the post-Suharto period is the fact that it is now possible to begin the complex work of better documenting the events that occurred in 1965 and in the years that followed. This process is slow and painstaking. It is made difficult by a diminishing pool of informants, the fading memories of those who are still alive, the decay of physical evidence and continuing prejudice in local communities. Groups trying to uncover detail of the killings have at times faced official harassment and many of the formal restrictions against former communists remain in place. Significant progress has nevertheless been made, drawing on rich veins of oral history and documentary sources within and outside Indonesia.

It is now possible to begin the complex work of better documenting the events that occurred in 1965 and in the years that followed

For all this growing body of analysis, the killings themselves remain tantalisingly elusive. Direct witnesses were few, and perpetrators have for the most part remained stubbornly silent. The usual reluctance of killers to talk about what they have done is compounded by the fear of reprisals or claims for compensation. Many Indonesians, too, look back on a national history that is studded with difficult, controversial and divisive events and argue that Indonesians should instead look forward and focus on improving their future rather than dwelling on past crimes. On both sides of the Left-Right divide, moreover, there has been a feeling that a too-detailed investigation of the precise circumstances of the killings might reveal sordid, unpleasant details that would compromise the stark elegance of mainstream narratives both of communist victimhood and of communist evil.
Source : Insideindonesia.org

The Act of Killing

Synopsis

THE ACT OF KILLING

A film by Joshua Oppenheimer
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Anwar Congo and his friends have been dancing their way through musical numbers, twisting arms in film noir gangster scenes, and galloping across prairies as yodelling cowboys. Their foray into filmmaking is being celebrated in the media and debated on television, even though Anwar Congo and his friends are mass murderers.
Medan, Indonesia. When the government of Indonesia was overthrown by the military in 1965, Anwar and his friends were promoted from small-time gangsters who sold movie theatre tickets on the black market to death squad leaders. They helped the army kill more than one million alleged communists, ethnic Chinese, and intellectuals in less than a year. As the executioner for the most notorious death squad in his city, Anwar himself killed hundreds of people with his own hands.
Today, Anwar is revered as a founding father of a right-wing paramilitary organization that grew out of the death squads. The organization is so powerful that its leaders include government ministers, and they are happy to boast about everything from corruption and election rigging to acts of genocide.
The Act of Killing is about killers who have won, and the sort of society they have built. Unlike ageing Nazis or Rwandan génocidaires, Anwar and his friends have not been forced by history to admit they participated in crimes against humanity. Instead, they have written their own triumphant history, becoming role models for millions of young paramilitaries. The Act of Killing is a journey into the memories and imaginations of the perpetrators, offering insight into the minds of mass killers. And TheAct oKilling is a nightmarish vision of a frighteningly banal culture of impunity in which killers can joke about crimes against humanity on television chat shows, and celebrate moral disaster with the ease and grace of a soft shoe dance number.
A Love of Cinema. In their youth, Anwar and his friends spent their lives at the movies, for they were “movie theatre gangsters”: they controlled a black market in tickets, while using the cinema as a base of operations for more serious crimes. In 1965, the army recruited them to form death squads because they had a proven capacity for violence, and they hated the communists for boycotting American films – the most popular (and profitable) in the cinemas. Anwar and his friends were devoted fans of James Dean, John Wayne, and Victor Mature. They explicitly fashioned themselves and their methods of murder after their Hollywood idols. And coming out of the midnight show, they felt “just like gangsters who stepped off the screen”. In this heady mood, they strolled across the boulevard to their office and killed their nightly quota of prisoners. Borrowing his technique from a mafia movie, Anwar preferred to strangle his victims with wire.
In The Act of Killing, Anwar and his friends agree to tell us the story of the killings. But their idea of being in a movie is not to provide testimony for a documentary: they want to star in the kind of films they most love from their days scalping tickets at the cinemas. We seize this opportunity to expose how a regime that was founded on crimes against humanity, yet has never been held accountable, would project itself into history.
And so we challenge Anwar and his friends to develop fiction scenes about their experience of the killings, adapted to their favorite film genres – gangster, western, musical. They write the scripts. They play themselves. And they play their victims.
Their fiction filmmaking process provides the film’s dramatic arc, and their film sets become safe spaces to challenge them about what they did. Some of Anwar’s friends realize that the killings were wrong. Others worry about the consequence of the story on their public image. Younger members of the paramilitary movement argue that they should boast about the horror of the massacres, because their terrifying and threatening force is the basis of their power today. As opinions diverge, the atmosphere on set grows tense. The edifice of genocide as a “patriotic struggle”, with Anwar and his friends as its heroes, begins to sway and crack.
Most dramatically, the filmmaking process catalyzes an unexpected emotional journey for Anwar, from arrogance to regret as he confronts, for the first time in his life, the full implications of what he’s done. As Anwar’s fragile conscience is threatened by the pressure to remain a hero, The AcoKilling presents a gripping conflict between moral imagination and moral catastrophe.